The Guide that Lost the Compass

Mosab Al-nomairy 

Syrian journalist and poet residing now in Toronto. Published a poetry book and writes in many Arabic websites and newspapers. Currently he is student at U of T.  

Words come out of the lips loaded with meanings and intentions. In an evening conversation, words may come out spontaneously and simply, without caution, so we do not make a big effort to select them. But in rhetoric, words are used after careful calculations, because they have greater power than ordinary ones. Truth and myth may cross through one word to the reader or listener. Intentions may arrive not through written or spoken words only, but through the ones that are absent from the lines, opening the door for question marks to flow, or painting signs of resentment on the faces of history’s victims or witnesses.

In 2009, Stephen Harper’s government issued a new version of the guidebook to the newcomers to Canada. Discover Canada: The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship contained controversial content, since it “outlines an exceptionally narrow, conservative view of Canadian politics and society.” (Esyllt Jones & Adele Perry) The guidebook focused on military history to present the Canadian story to the immigrants, “ignoring the work and democratic struggles of generations of newcomers.” (Esyllt Jones & Adele Perry)

“Canada has welcomed generations of newcomers to our shores to help us build a free, law-abiding and prosperous society. For 400 years, settlers and immigrants have contributed to the diversity and richness of our country, which is built on a proud history and a strong identity.”

These were the first lines in the guidebook. Aiming to colour the invisible spots of the story, I will present some thoughts and ideas in contemporary Canada that were absent in this guidebook and in these lines. This not an invitation to not read the book, we all must read it to be citizens, and it illustrates a point of view in seeing history. Instead, I try to clarify some missing pieces in the story of Canada offered, so we can see the other points of view in Canadian society.

I argue that the official conservative conception of Canada, represented by this statement, presents fragmentary facts, and does not mention the complex context of Canadian history. I suggest that presenting Canadian identity and history, without attempting neutrality, can push new citizens to take political and cultural positions that may not be sensitive enough to the issues of some Canadian groups who may disagree with the rationale in this book. Consequently, the new citizens’ belief in a one-sided view of Canadian history may adversely affect their integration into Canadian society.

Seeing with one eye

It is no secret that the relationship between the Canadian state and local societies was, and still is, complex and problematic. Contrary to what this statement indicates, the image of an ideal society does not exist during the contemporary history of Canada.

In terms of having different backgrounds living together, there is no doubt that Canadian society today is a diverse one. Components of Canadian society were exposed to racist and discriminatory policies practiced by the state against them. This diverse society was a result of a long and historical struggle. For instance, The Chinese head tax was one chapter among many, and illustrated the official Canadian vision of what Canadian society should be like. The tax was enacted “to restrict immigration after Chinese labour was no longer needed to build the Canadian Pacific Railway.”^[1] Chinese immigrants had to work in terrible situations to build the pacific railroad and they were segregated and marginalized in closed communities. Canada was not “welcoming” for some immigrants, and the statement appears to be postulating a fragmented fact and intending to hide the dark side of the history.

Imagined identity

Canadian identity is one of the most complex topics in academia and public spheres. Talking about the Canadian identity leads to confusion, not certainty. In “The Fiction of Belonging”: On Second-Generation Black Writing in Canada” David Chariandy demonstrates that comparing to first generation “among second-generation blacks in Canada, only 37.0% felt it possible to have a strong sense of belonging.” Since belonging is the cornerstone to building an identity, The Fiction of Belonging, by exploring Black literature in Canada – Where Canadian Black writers express their struggle in belonging and identity in the Canadian society – pushes us to believe in a reality that is different than what is proposed in the statement about the “strong identity.” The official desire to present the Canadian identity as a strong and cohesive comes from the “legacy of colonialism,” according to Kambourelli. Cohesiveness of Canadian identity “has always been imaginary”, and the unity of Canadian identity “is a cultural myth.” Since many cultural components were -and still are- facing challenges in belonging and representation in Canadian society (Indigenous, Black, minorities, and immigrants) the “strong identity” here becomes a tool either to impose belonging on these components, or to exclude them from the imagined “strong identity.”

Conflicted narratives

Many Canadians today do not see Canadian history in most respects as a source of pride. This is confirmed by the apologies of the Canadian government regarding Canadian residential schools for example. The apologies were not made because history was a source of pride. In residential schools Indigenous children were taken from their families and subjected to physical and sexual abuse. These measures “were part of a coherent policy to eliminate Aboriginal people as distinct peoples and to assimilate them into the Canadian mainstream against their will.” (Phil Fontaine)

The “proud history” in the statement seems to be the dominant power’s own pride, since shame is a strong narrative in contemporary Canada. The 150^th anniversary of Canada Day was an occasion to see the notable, various impressions and position of Canadian groups and communities. In Canada 150: Not the first celebration to spark controversy, Matthew Hayday illustrates how different groups in Canadian society interacted with Canada Day. It is “celebration of colonialism” for Indigenous leaders. Parti Québécois launched a campaign called “L’autre 150e” to state that it was a bad day for Quebec. Nova Scotia MPs considered it as “day of lamentation,” and “Chinese Humiliation Day” events were held on that day by British Columbia’s Chinese communities. (Mathew Hayday) Having all these positions from Canadian communities contradicts the alleged feeling of “proud history” among Canadians, which confirms the suggestion that the state imposes one historical narrative and tries to export a one-sided story to the new Canadian citizens.

The book appears to reflect Harper government’s sense of owning the right export the nation’s history as it pleases. Awareness of the tools used by the dominant power in democratic countries, and how it define itself and its history, is crucial to be able to confront or criticize it, as wars these days are narrative wars, in which the story owners fight to save their jeopardized story.

References

1. Jones, Esyllt W, and Adele Perry. People’s Citizenship Guide: A Response to Conservative Canada. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Pub, 2011.
2. Cho, Karen, and Tamara Lynch. In the Shadow of Gold Mountain. Toronto: National Film Board, 2004.
3. Chariandy, David. “The Fiction of Belonging”: On Second-Generation Black Writing in Canada”.  The Johns Hopkins University Press 2007.
4. Kamboureli, Smaro.Making a Difference: Canadian Multicultural Literatures in English. Don Mills, Ont: Oxford University Press, 2007.
5. Fontaine, Phil.A Knock on the Door: The Essential History of Residential Schools. 2016.
6. Hayday, Matthew, “In Canada 150: Not the first celebration to spark controversy”, com/canada-150-not-the-first-celebration-to-spark-controversy-80137. 2017

^[1] https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/chinese-head-tax-in-canada