{"id":3265,"date":"2023-07-25T13:19:47","date_gmt":"2023-07-25T17:19:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/hennaplatform.com\/?p=3265"},"modified":"2024-08-05T15:26:48","modified_gmt":"2024-08-05T19:26:48","slug":"building-the-economy-of-mount-lebanon-through-bargaining","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/hennaplatform.com\/en\/building-the-economy-of-mount-lebanon-through-bargaining\/","title":{"rendered":"Building the Economy of Mount Lebanon Through Bargaining"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Timothy Boudoumit<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Timothy is a Master’s student at the Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations at the University of Toronto and a recipient of the Canada Graduate Scholarship for 2022-2023. His research focuses on identity formation and the growth of intellectual activities in the late-Ottoman Levant.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article is part of the series \u201cCapital, Technology and Utopia\u201d, which is a collaborative project between Henna Platform and the department of Near & Middle Eastern Civilization at The University of Toronto. You can read in this series also:\u00a0Taming the Egyptian Monster<\/a> by Mosab Alnomire,\u00a0The Jaffa Orange, Haunted<\/a>\u00a0by Hayley Birss,\u00a0Muslim Surveillance in China and Japan\u00a0by Zannatul S. Isaque and\u00a0The Rebellious Gaze of Abbas Kiarostami<\/a> by Nora Mezo-Willingham.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read the Arabic article here.<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The waning years of the Ottoman Empire produced some of the most influential yet understudied effects on the development of political identities in the Levant. The present-day politicization of ethnoreligious groups, even of economic development, find their roots in the late-Ottoman period. The history we read on this period is often the history of the political elites \u2013 how the leaders reacted or made decisions. National histories are divided into periods of rulers\u2019 tenures. Yet, such political projects both require and mobilize popular support. This popular element to ideology may clarify certain factors influencing political stagnation in each country that was formerly a part of Ottoman Syria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article sheds light on the people\u2019s role in the development of political identities during the late-Ottoman Levant. It also traces the changes in norms relating to identity among the region\u2019s people. As this is a broad topic, this paper will examine norms relating to sectarian and capitalist identities in one of the more politically volatile parts of Ottoman Syria, namely Mount Lebanon, and trace how popular understandings of sectarianism and capitalism shaped how political leaders crafted their various political projects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mount Lebanon has been one of the more volatile regions of Ottoman Syria, since it experienced a so-called \u201ccivil war\u201d in 1860. This was fought between the two dominant communities of the mountain and forced major changes in the local political governance. (Fawaz 1994, 209-217) The political settlement produced a reality that modern scholars label \u2018sectarianism,\u2019 where political elites legitimize their rule by claiming to represent the political interests of their ethnoreligious group. Such ethnoreligious diversity is not unique to Mount Lebanon. Similar diversity could be found in both Ottoman Bilad al-Sham and Iraq around the same time. Moreover, sectarian systems would be implemented across these territories with European intervention. What worried Ottoman officials most was that Maronite elites, who represented a clear majority in 1860, were generally not allies of the Ottoman government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To counter this majoritarian ideology, the first Ottoman governor of Lebanon, Dawud Pasha, mobilized capitalism as a method to legitimize Ottoman governance on the mountain. Capitalist ideologies became increasingly prevalent among the mountain\u2019s emerging middle class, largely due to the growth of silk monoculture and increasing connection to European markets. (Holt 2017, 122; Trablousi 2012, 41-51) The Ottoman Empire as a whole began legitimizing its rule by establishing railways and telegraph lines, as well as renovating ports to accommodate larger ships, among many other developments accommodating capitalist development. These infrastructural projects facilitated the growth of capitalism in the empire by guiding Ottoman elites into capitalist competition with European projects, including the Suez Canal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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[S. N.] \u201cThe Isthmus of Suez Maritime Canal: Dredgers And Elevators At Work (colourized),\u201d Hulton Archive, 1869. 45.72cm x 60.96. Digitized by GettyImages.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dawud\u2019s attempt to legitimize Ottoman rule through capitalist ideologies emerged during a clash between Ottomanist and localist political elites on Mount Lebanon between 1861-1868. The Ottomanist elites, led by Dawud Pasha, attempted to re-establish Ottoman authority following the sectarian clashes of 1860 against the Maronite elites, led by Yusuf Karam, who sought to continue the expansion of their political rights. (Spagnolo 1977, 101-113)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The clash in question lasted from 1861 to 1868 with various levels of intensity, and both Dawud and Karam sought to legitimize their pursuits among the mountain\u2019s population. Karam\u2019s pursuit of power was legitimized by sociocultural notions of kinship, arguing that he represented the political interests of the largest ethnoreligious group. This majoritarian logic was reconfirmed by an international commission, led by France, sent to investigate the civil war of 1860, which deemed that Maronite rights had been neglected. (Farah 2000, 603-608) Karam used this sense of \u2018being wronged\u2019 along with an emerging sociocultural sense of imagined community to legitimize his bid to govern Mount Lebanon. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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[S. N.] \u201cDaoud Pa\u015fa,\u201d Wikimedia Commons, Unknown date. 10.58cm x 15.24 cm.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[S. N.] \u201cYoung Youssef Bey Karam,\u201d Wikimedia Commons, Unknown Date. 10.58cm x 14.55.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a petition sent to the French delegate of the international commission in order to resolve the \u201ccivil war\u201d of 1860, the signatories sought the \u201crestoration of their ethnocultural rights\u201d given to them by the \u201cEgyptian government\u201d that occupied Bilad al-Sham between 1830-1840. (Soueid 1998, 556) The letter was undersigned by \u201cthe Christians\u201d of over 15 villages and towns and is accompanied by over 30 similar petitions from different villages discussing their desire to preserve the \u201crights and privileges\u201d of \u201cChristians\u201d on Mount Lebanon. Yusuf Karam, the ruler of the small northern-Lebanese town of Ehden, seized on this political will to preserve the rights of Christians and formed a resistance to the restoration of Ottoman restore authority on the mountain. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

To this end, Karam launched a small-scale rebellion in 1861 that threatened to rapidly transform into widespread conflict, though it was quickly quelled by the international and Ottoman armies present. He launched a second rebellion in 1864. This required intervention from the governor of Damascus to quell. Karam led a final rebellion from 1866-1867, after which a military dispatch from the central government successfully captured him and sent him to exile in Algeria. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The strength of Karam\u2019s sociocultural ideology forced the Ottoman officials of Lebanon to consider new ways of legitimizing Ottoman authority. Dawud opted to legitimize Ottoman authority on non-ethnic grounds and was inspired by the spirit of the Ottoman modernization reforms underway since 1839, called the Tanzimat<\/em>. Rather than define political power in Lebanon as the representation of the mountain\u2019s ethnic groups, Dawud began posing as the representative of Lebanon as one economic unit. French consular documents revealed that Dawud\u2019s notion of \u2018economic unit\u2019 meant that \u201cLebanon\u201d should be \u201ceconomically sufficient\u201d both in terms of its expenses and income, but also in the means for its subsistence. (Spagnolo 1977, 112)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ottoman priorities following the calamities of the Crimean War (1853-1856) were centred around infrastructural development, including most famously the Suez Canal, and Dawud\u2019s economic rationale for Lebanon aligned neatly with these priorities. (Davison 1976, 234; Abu-Manneh 2015, 133) As a member of the Academy of Sciences of Prussia and educated as an Ottoman Tanzimat<\/em> official, Dawud sought to modernize his district and make it a model province whose sectarian and economic diversity could be reproduced in other parts of the Ottoman Empire. (Spagnolo 1977, 104-105; Hakim 2013, 106-108) The post-1860 economy of Lebanon, with a burgeoning middle class, was tending towards integration into the world market through the production of silk and Dawud was keen to capitalize on this venture to secure his authority. (Quataert 1993, 84)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Feeding
[S.N.] \u201cFeeding silk-worms their breakfast of mulberry leaves, Mt. Lebanon, Syria.\u201d (Ottawa [Kansas]: Underwood & Underwood, [N.D.]. No size. Reference number: U-157899. Available online at Graham Auman Pitts, \u201cSeasons of Capitalism: Human and Non-Human Nature in the Making of Lebanon\u2019s Silk Industry,\u201d TRAFO, last accessed on March 20, 2023, https:\/\/trafo.hypotheses.org\/29330<\/a>.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

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Dawud introduced his economic definition of Lebanon as early as 1863, when he expressed that \u201cthe centre of gravity for [the mountain\u2019s] commercial and agricultural prosperity fell outside its [political] borders.\u201d (Spagnolo 1977, 112) In the summer of 1865, Dawud successfully acquired the right to administer the western half of the plateau immediately bordering his district to the west, also called the Western Beqaa<\/em> Valley. While it was not a part of his district, he was given the right to administer its economic activities. He hoped to acquire similar privileges for Beirut, which he called \u201cthe key to Lebanon [that would] give this country the good it so badly needs.\u201d (Chehab and Ismail 1975, no.13, 23) His economic policies were so popular that a contemporary chronicler, Antun Dahir al-Aqiqi, considered Dawud \u201cone of the most generous to all people. No one who has come to Lebanon [as governor] has equalled his munificence and zeal.\u201d (Aqiqi, 1867-1868, 77) <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Riding on this popularity, Dawud circulated petitions in 1867 to the Western Beqaa<\/em> and the major coastal cities bordering his district, notably Sidon and Tripoli along with these cities\u2019 hinterlands, sounding popular opinions on whether they desired annexations. (Chehab and Ismail 1975, no.13, 21-22) In fact, Dawud was so confident in his policies that he claimed \u201ca single word from me would bring all the people of the Mountain to ask for these annexations, and, before such a purpose, all sectarian differences would disappear\u201d (Chehab and Ismail 1975, no.13, 24). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cThe Governorate of Mount Lebanon, 1861-1920.\u201d Available in Engin Deniz Akarl\u0131, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 32.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Ottoman petition system was developed during the Tanzimat<\/em> to produce administrative arrangements that reflected local priorities. (Hanssen 2005, 8, 25-26, 33) Dawud\u2019s innovation lay in using this technique to challenge Ottoman administrative arrangements, which relied on the idea that popular opinion provided a basis of legitimacy for his political projects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By 1868, the competing visions for Lebanon, personified by Yusuf Karam and Dawud Pasha, both lost the great power support they required to continue in their popularity. Karam and Dawud were both exiled by the Ottoman authorities \u2013 Karam to Algeria and Dawud to Switzerland \u2013 fearing that both leaders were acquiring too much personal authority in the country at the expense of Ottoman governance. The new Ottoman governor, Franco Pasha, carefully balanced both the economic and sectarian interests of the mountain without prioritizing either. Yet, while the political elites no longer pushed for these ideologies formally, the public conscience had been awakened, through the rise of the middle class in Lebanon, to the economic and sectarian rationales that are still with us today in the forms of a \u201cSectarian Republic\u201d and a \u201cMerchant Republic.\u201d (Safieddine 2019, 5) <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bibliography<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Abu-Manneh, Butrus. \u201cTwo Concepts of State in the Tanzimat Period: the Hatt-\u0131 \u015eerif of G\u00fclhane and the Hatt-\u0131 H\u00fcmayun,\u201d Turkish Historical Review <\/em>6 (2015): 117-137.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2019Aqiqi, Antun Dahir. Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism, 1840-1868: a Contemporary Account by Antun Dahir Al-\u2019Aqiqi, and Other Documents<\/em>. Translated by Malcolm H. Kerr. Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1959.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Akarl\u0131, Engin Deniz. The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920<\/em>. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ch\u00e9hab, Maurice H. and Ism\u0101\u02bb\u012bl \u02bb\u0100dil. Documents diplomatiques et consulaires relatifs \u00e0 l\u2019histoire du Liban\u202f: et des pays du Proche-Orient du XVII0 si\u00e8cle \u00e0 nos jours<\/em>. Beirut: Editions des \u0153uvres politiques et historiques, 1983.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Davison, Roderic. Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876<\/em>. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1976.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Farah, Ceasar E. The politics of interventionism in Ottoman Lebanon, 1830-1861<\/em>. (I. B. Tauris: London, 2000.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fawaz, Leila Tarazi. An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860.<\/em> London: I. B. Tauris, 1994.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hakim, Carol. The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea, 1840-1920<\/em>. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Holt, Elizabeth. Fictitious Capital: Silk, Cotton, and the Rise of the Arabic Novel<\/em>. New York: Fordham university press, 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hanssen, Jens. Fin de Si\u00e8cle Beirut: The Making of an Ottoman Provincial Capital <\/em>(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Quataert, Donald. \u201cOttoman Women, Households, and Manufacturing, 1800-1914.\u201d In Shifting Boundaries in Sex and Gender,<\/em> edited by Beth Baron and Nikki Keddie. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Safieddine, Hicham. Banking on the state: the financial foundations of Lebanon<\/em>. Stanford: Stanford University Press: 2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spagnolo, John P. France & Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1914<\/em>. Ithaca: Ithaca Press, for the Middle East Centre, St. Antony’s College Oxford, 1977.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Christian Peoples of Iqlim al-Kharroub, \u201cPetition to the Grand Commissioner of France [P\u00e9tition au grand Etat de France],\u201d available in Corps Exp\u00e9ditionnaire de Syrie: Rapports et Correspondance 1860-1861<\/em> edited by G\u00e9n\u00e9ral B. E. M. Docteur Yassine Soueid (Beirut: Naufal Group, 1998),<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Traboulsi, Fawwaz. A History of Modern Lebanon<\/em>. London: Pluto Press, 2012.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Timothy boudoumit – Identity and Economy in the Late Ottoman Era<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":3259,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[391,1],"tags":[121,210,204,361],"class_list":["post-3265","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-capital-technology-in-the-middle-east","category-1","tag-economy","tag-henna-platform","tag-lebanon","tag-ottoman-empire"],"yoast_head":"\nBuilding the Economy of Mount Lebanon Through Bargaining - \u062d\u0650\u0646\u0651\u0627<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/hennaplatform.com\/en\/building-the-economy-of-mount-lebanon-through-bargaining\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Building the Economy of Mount Lebanon Through Bargaining - 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